The recent diplomatic tension caused by the order to register undocumented Burundians living and working in Kenya without proper work permits should be viewed in the context of regional integration.
The interests of nations are globally guided and driven by strategic considerations.
It is generally agreed that most of the boundaries separating countries in Africa were drawn by theEuropeans, without reference to or consultation with the residents of the regions.
This led to splitting andseparating ethnic communities and to some extent families across borders. You will find members of thesame tribe if not clan spread across more than one country. For example, we have Luos in Kenya,Uganda and Tanzania, Maasais in Tanzania and Kenya and Tesos and Samias in Kenya and Uganda.
The resentment against the colonial policy of arbitrary allocation of geographical spheres of influencepushed the emerging independence leaders to press for regional integration. This was expected toenhance closer cooperation by the new African governments and allow more interaction between andamong the communities.
While there are no credible records on the same, it is generally agreed thatMwalimu Julius Nyerere was ready and willing to delay the granting of independence to Tanzaniaso as to await the independence of the other two East African nations of Kenya and Uganda.
Theintention, noble as it was, could not be implemented due to entrenched interests, both local andinternational. Nyerere was leveraging on the shared colonial heritage of the three countries having beenunder the British rule.
On the other hand, the western powers were already wary of the global communist influence. They were,therefore, apprehensive of any unity of newly independent African nations since they had mountedviolent struggle against their colonial domination.
No effort was spared to ensure that the countriesretained their respective identities as drawn by the departing colonial masters. To successfully scuttlethe federation dream, each country was granted independence according to the schedule drawn up inat the convenience of the monarchy.
The quest for closer ties and unity of the nations of East Africa thus has a long history dating back tocolonial periods.
The East African Community was officially established on December 1, 1967, byKenya, Uganda and Tanzania shortly after they gained independence, building upon shared colonialinfrastructure.
Britain had built joint networks like the Kenya-Uganda Railway, a common currencyboard and postal unions during the colonial era. After gaining independence in the early 1960s, thenewly freed nations replaced colonial agencies with the East African Common Services Organisation.
Presidents Jomo Kenyatta (Kenya), Nyerere (Tanzania) and Milton Obote (Uganda)signed the Treaty for East African Cooperation on June 6, 1967, creating the first formal EAC.
The blocfeatured a common customs tariff, a development bank and joint administration of railways, harboursand airways. Leaders had initially discussed forming a single political federation, but competing nationalpriorities stalled the idea.
However, the each of the three countries chose and followed different economic ideologies leading touneven growth. Kenya held a stronger industrial and economic advantage, which caused friction withTanzania and Uganda.
Tanzania pursued socialist policies (Ujamaa), while Kenya favoured a capitalistmarket. Uganda under Obote failed to chart a clear economic development path and a decade later fellunder Idi Amin’s military dictatorship. Disagreements arose over revenue sharing, trade imbalances andtariffs, leading to border closures and the breakdown of joint services.
The hostilities became open and palpable, giving rise to the infamous quote from Nyerere that Kenya wasa man-eat-man society. Kenya’s then Attorney General Charles Njonjo sarcastically responded thatTanzania was a man-eat-nothing society.
The community formally dissolved in 1977, halting regionalintegration until its revival in 2000. The collapse of the Berlin Wall helped promote multiparty democracyin the region.
These countries therefore began to enjoy similar ideological orientation and shareddevelopment partners as globalisation hastened. Bigger economic groupings became more favoured thansmaller nationalistic zones.
The current EAC was formally revived on July 7, 2000, following theratification of a new treaty by Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. The efforts to revive the community startedin earnest when in 1993 a tripartite agreement was signed.
Presidents Daniel arap Moi (Kenya), AliHassan Mwinyi (Tanzania), and Yoweri Museveni (Uganda) signed an agreement in Kampala to establisha Permanent Tripartite Commission for East African Cooperation.
The commission secretariatwas launched in 1996 in Arusha, Tanzania, marking the official resumption of regional cooperationoperations.
Building on years of renewed political goodwill, the three heads of state signed the Treaty forthe Establishment of the EAC in Arusha on November 30, 1999. It came into force onJuly 7, 2000, 23 years after the demise of the original 1967-77 community.
A new generation of leadersprioritised stability, regional trade and mutual defence over the ideological and personal clashes that hadfractured the first community. The revived EAC established a Customs Union (2005), a Common Market(2010), signed a Monetary Union protocol (2013), and continues discussions toward apolitical/federation/confederation.
The community became attractive to the neighbouring countries and witnessed growth in membership.Rwanda and Burundi joined in 2007, South Sudan in 2016, the Democratic Republic of Congo in 2022and Somalia in 2024, expanding the bloc to eight countries.
Whether regional integration should override national interests is a complex and delicate considerationthat should be a balanced debate. This is because strict supremacy of regional goals can undermine localsovereignty, while unchecked nationalism often stalls collective growth.
Nations would naturally preferto preserve their respective sovereignty for fear of losing political independence and control overdomestic policies. Governments answer directly to their own citizens for local welfare, jobs andstability.
Additionally, leaders have pointed out via outlets like the Independent in Uganda that forcingintegration without addressing domestic fears stalls actual progress. The need to prevent the risks anddangers experienced in the previous cooperation justifies protection of national strategic interests toprevent inequality. Weaker or smaller economies may suffer if larger neighbours dominate the sharedmarket.
There is thus increasing need to finding a balance through harmonisation and flexibility in community agendas and missions.
Successful groups align national priorities with community goals instead of erasing local needs. On the other hand, phased rollouts and safety valves protect vulnerable domestic sectors while allowing collective progress.
It is in this light that the Burundian crisis should be understood. The Burundian refugee situation inKenya was originally caused by the 2015 political crisis in Burundi, and intensified recently by BBCNews coverage of President William Ruto’s order to restrict undocumented foreign traders.
Thousandshad fled Burundi after the 2015 disputed presidential election that led to violent protests. Around 16,000Burundians moved to Kenya to find safety and started small street businesses.
President Ruto ordered acrackdown on foreigners operating small businesses without proper work permits. The announcement ledto panic, fear, reported harassment and a rush of Burundiansgathering at their embassy to seektravel documents.
The directive has significantly affected several other foreign nationalities living andtrading in Kenya. Large numbers of Ugandans, Congolese (DRC), South Sudanese, and Ethiopians whooperate informal businesses like food kiosks, salons, electronics shops, and transport services have beenheavily impacted.
The government has since responded by providing a detailed process of implementingthe directive.
The Kenyan authorities have introduced registration and documentation processes to calmfears and regulate status
