Every society has its elites who determine the direction of major processes directly or indirectly. In Nyanza, especially among the Luo, this elite first emerged from the colonial and immediate post-independence social and economic infrastructure of the country.
Elites are the minority group in a society holding the most significant power, wealth and influence, allowing them to shape decisions and control key institutions.
These individuals excel in areas like politics, business, and military and are often seen as a governing class that controls resources and policy, often serving their own interests.
There are two broad categories identified as a governing elite – seen as those with power, and a status elite – normally viewed as those with prestige. However, the general understanding refers to those who occupy the upper echelons of a society's power structure.
Elites often form networks that work together to maintain their status, sometimes characterised as integrated and organic. They occupy key positions in major institutions and dominate key resources and are often separated from the general public in terms of wealth and lifestyle. For self-preservation, succession and perpetuation, they create systems that allow them to transfer their privilege, often focusing on educational advantage.
In the elite cadre exists the professional elites who are influential figures in media, academia, or religious institutions. Then there are those who owe their privileged status to their control of the economic levers. They are the owners of large corporations, wealthy individuals and industrial leaders.
The most overtly influential group is the political elites: Top government officials, policymakers, security commanders and party leaders who influence laws. During the colonial period, many from Nyanza became early enthusiasts and converts of the new religion, Christianity.
Through this, their children were encouraged if not conscripted to join schools under the education system. The oldest formal education institution in Kenya remains Maseno School.
Because of acquisition of literacy and numeracy skills, many Luos were employed by the colonial administration as support cast in the early civil service. The emerging settler led capitalist economy required semi-skilled labour which the community readily supplied.
The early entrants into the inner circles of the colonial public service controlled almost all spheres of the lives of the natives. They were buttressed by their counterparts in the money economy who were immigrant workers in the large white settler farms and commercial enterprises.
Comparative advantages enabled this group to maintain their grip on the community soon after independence. Because of the positions of influence that they held, their children accessed the best social amenities available.
They went to schools early enough and got rare opportunities for further studies. The neocolonial linkages opened for them doors in foreign capitals to join some of the elite universities of the world. Since they started their careers early in the civil service and the nascent private sector, they quickly rose through the ranks to become visible leaders in their respective areas.
These families by virtue of social status, monetarised incomes and acquisition of special modern knowledge and skills made prominent.
They became the beacons of hope and bearers of the community north star. As the country got integrated into the global economy, this elite took advantage of the general ignorance of their local compatriots to deeply entrench themselves.
From Nairobi they controlled the community destiny. Through the metropole, they used the community to perch themselves in prime national positions of influence. Being in Nairobi and its satellite provincial towns enabled them to control information.
All vital information from and of the community was passed to the national government through them. In the same vein, they were the first to receive any government briefs on development agenda.
They therefore became the conduit for all and any important information. Information itself is power. Thus from Nairobi to the community, they would use the common parlance “it has been decided”. When the community made decisions for their own sake, they employed the refrain “it must be ratified”.
This is how political decisions through elections were manipulated and sometimes vetoed. At the same time many development projects were decided not on the basis of the recommendations of the community but on the whims of the elite.
The strategic interest of the national government to marginalise the community through centralised administration system coincided with the elite’s unstated objective to monopolise leadership.
This nexus has been responsible generational exploitation of the community through policies. The post-colonial elite successfully used their exalted positions to establish patron-clientele linkages with their kith and kin. Using cultural organisations, they supported the community welfare activities as favours to their less fortunate neighbours.
On a more positive note, there were also numerous instances where they also used their positions of influence to promote and protect the community interests. They deliberately organised and lobbied for the community advancement through education, employment and enterprise development.
When the Constitution of Kenya 2010 was promulgated, a new era dawned. After the 2013 general election, six of the 47 county governments were established in Nyanza.
There was excitement as residents saw an opportunity of almost self-government. This was expected and a logical consequence after decades of marginalisation by the national government. The community saw an opportunity to use their vast potential to improve their lot and enjoy life of dignity as and among other communities in the country.
This turn of events has naturally led to the emergence of a new elite group. It closely mirrors if not the same as the previous colonial and independence elite groups.
Each of the counties has two arms of government, the executive and the assembly. The executive led by the governor has a cabinet and civil service. The individuals appointed to staff these positions are members of the local communities. They provide leadership for the development and service delivery of their respective counties.
They initiate and implement projects. They collect taxes and provide employment. The county government is largest spender in the community and therefore provide vast opportunity for businesses.
The county executive in this regard competes favourably with the national government in the control of everyday lives of the citizens. The officers of the executive arm are therefore very powerful individuals with enviable influence. Unlike their colleagues in Nairobi who visit their rural relatives often monthly, they are available and work with the locals almost daily.
The legislative arm has the MCAs. They are legally established and elected to provide oversight to the executive. In operation, they are a force and power unto themselves. They have cultivated the image of half Member of Parliament for themselves. They are local legitimate political leaders operating above party officials at the grassroots.
A cohort of high caliber entrepreneurs has been created in the counties. This has arisen due to the demand for services and goods for use by the county government and the personnel around it.
The county government being the largest spender of public funds in the community has supported this new elite group. As devolution got grounded, those with investment acumen smelled the coffee and took advantage of the business opportunities arising.
Investors have thronged the counties and injected resources in the health, education, financial, insurance, private security and hospitality and industry sectors. Because they provide direct and indirect employment avenues, this group is equally influential.
The devolution project came in tandem with the expansion of university and tertiary education. Many universities and TTIs have been established in the counties.
This has created a local crop of academics and intelligentsia. People no longer have to go to Nairobi for further training. Specialised education is readily available in the local community.
There are professors teaching and living in the village. The myth of the ivory tower has been shattered. The intellectuals are the first consideration for appointment to key administrative, advisory and board positions in the counties.
They have immense influence on the strategic direction of the community. The county nurtured elites are the current influence peddlers, power wielders and opinion shapers.
They have outsmarted the Nairobi clique in control of the local political processes. They leverage on their endorsement by the community due to positions of authority to be the links to national and international funding sources.
As is the norm with elites, they have established tightly knit local cleavages and cartels to control the community power chess game and social matrices to their exclusive advantage.
Due to lack of adequate public scrutiny, accusations fly that they have turned this advantage to their private benefit instead of promoting the public good.
The writer is a political and policy analyst
