
The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission has issued Gazette notices outlining key deadlines, but beneath these dates is a legal and political trap that is unsettling aspirants and laying bare the manipulation of electoral rules.
At the heart of this turmoil is a seemingly straightforward requirement: anyone intending to contest as an independent candidate must not be a member of a political party at least 90 days before the election. That sets the deadline for party resignation on August 29.
Fail to exit by then, and you forfeit the right to run as an independent. Likewise, candidates under party banners must submit their names and symbols by September 17, as stipulated by the electoral commission.
This creates a brutally narrow window of decision-making for aspirants—particularly those in dominant-party strongholds like Nyanza, where ODM’s grip on the political landscape often leaves little room for dissent or fair competition in primaries. And herein lies the strategic twist. ODM, and other major parties, can use this law to their advantage.
By delaying party primaries until after the 90-day cut-off, they effectively eliminate the threat of defections. Aspirants who lose at the nomination stage will have no legal avenue to vie independently.
It’s a legal move, yes, but it raises a troubling question: are electoral laws being used to promote democracy, or to suppress it? Another legal provision, often overlooked, compounds this dilemma.
REGISTERED MEMBER
According to the Political Parties Act, anyone running on a party ticket must have been a registered member of that party for at least six months before the election in this case, by May 27, 2025. That door is already closed.
No latecomer or defector has a realistic chance of jumping into a different party now. What we’re witnessing is a quiet form of political exclusion technically lawful, but morally questionable.
Aspirants are being boxed in by legal deadlines, but it’s not the law itself that’s flawed; it’s the way political parties manipulate these provisions to protect vested interests and suppress competition. ODM’s own track record in party primaries is less than stellar.
From bungled nominations to opaque consensus building and the infamous issuance of direct tickets, the party has often sidelined popular candidates in favour of politically connected ones.
This has not only cost ODM in terms of public trust but has also contributed to growing voter apathy in its strongholds.
Many simply no longer believe that their voice counts—not even in the first stage of selecting candidates.
The universal suffrage model for party primaries, where members vote to choose flag-bearers, is an ideal ODM rarely lives up to. But the alternative consensus or direct nominations has proven just as undemocratic. It’s a lose-lose situation for aspirants and voters alike. In more mature democracies, political parties are internally democratic.
Membership actually means something, and the process of choosing candidates is transparent, credible, and respected.
In Kenya, however, party nominations too often feel like a coronation—decided not by members, but by party elites behind closed doors. What the electorate yearns for is a credible, inclusive and fair nomination process—essentially a mini-election within parties.
Yet no party, not even the best resourced, has demonstrated the ability or will to run such an exercise with integrity.
COSTLY AND CHAOTIC
It’s too costly, too chaotic, and perhaps more damningly, not in their political interest. This legal and political deadlock is pushing many capable individuals away from politics altogether.
The cost of entry is too high, the process too opaque, and the outcomes too predetermined.
We cannot build a robust democracy if the path to the ballot is rigged long before the first vote is cast.
The IEBC must enforce the law, yes, but Kenyans must also demand reforms that restore fairness to the political process.
Timelines should not be traps. Laws should protect choice, not restrict it. And party democracy must be more than a slogan.
As November approaches, we are reminded once again that Kenya’s problem is not that we lack rules, but that too many of them serve the few, not the many.
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