EXPLAINER: From Mzee Kenyatta to Ruto; How Kenya’s presidents embraced the church

From the founding father Mzee Jomo Kenyatta to William Ruto, Kenya’s presidents have consistently cultivated close ties with the church.

This relationship between State House and the pulpit has been a calculated and strategic alliance that has played a central role in shaping Kenya’s political and moral landscape since independence.

In Kenya—where over 80 per cent of the population identifies as Christian—church endorsement confers a powerful form of moral legitimacy.

President William Ruto has long been recognised for his close ties to the church—a relationship that has shaped not only his public image but also his political trajectory.

From his early days in politics to his rise to the presidency in 2022, Ruto cultivated a strong rapport with religious institutions, particularly evangelical and Pentecostal churches.

A self-professed born-again Christian, Ruto frequently attributes his success to divine favour.

He often uses Biblical references in speeches, attends church services across the country, and invites religious leaders to state functions.

During the 2022 presidential campaign, Ruto made churches a cornerstone of his grassroots strategy. 

Ruto crisscrossed the country attending church fundraisers, worship services, and prayer meetings. He contributed generously to church building projects.

But tax hikes and pushing unpopular levies (fuel, housing, insurance) turned him into “Zakayo” — a reference to the Biblical tax collector Zacchaeus.

At first, youth activists criticised the church’s political complicity.  Ruto however fell out with some churches.

The Kenya Conference of Catholic Bishops (KCCB) recently condemned tax hikes, corruption, rights violations, and a “culture of lies.”

In November 2024 the Catholic Archdiocese of Nairobi returned Sh5 million from Ruto, citing ethical conflicts

On March 2, 2025, however, Ruto defended his philanthropy arguing that bishops shouldn’t return donations to God.

Most recently, Ruto has been at the centre of a storm after it emerged that he is building a church at State House.

Anglican Church of Kenya (ACK) Archbishop Jackson Ole Sapit has raised concerns about the project, questioning both its intent and its constitutional implications.

“Will the president be the bishop or leader of this church, as we have seen him recently lead public prayers?” Sapit posed, a rhetorical jab aimed at the blurred lines between state and church under the plan.

Ruto explained that State House already had a chaplain who had been serving before he assumed office and continued to lead services.

“We already have a chaplain. I heard one bishop asking, who will be the head of the church? We have a chaplain there who I found already serving, and he is the one leading services even now. I didn’t appoint him; I found him there,” Ruto said.

For Kenyan presidents, the church has been seen not only as a moral compass, but as a vital partner in governance, development, and political legitimacy.

Mzee Kenyatta maintained a complex and pragmatic relationship with the church during his leadership from independence in 1963 until his death in 1978.

During his presidency, Kenyatta worked closely with major Christian denominations, particularly the Anglican Church and Catholic Church, recognising their role in education, healthcare, and social services.

Kenyatta supported church activities that aligned with his agenda while discouraging political interference.

Religious leaders who maintained loyalty received government cooperation, land grants, and development support.

During the late 1960s and 1970s, when some church leaders began criticising corruption and authoritarianism, Kenyatta responded with caution, using his authority to suppress dissent while avoiding outright confrontation with major denominations.

President Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, Kenya’s second president and longest-serving leader (1978–2002), had one of the most visibly intertwined relationships with the church.

Moi openly and deliberately embraced Christianity—particularly evangelical Christianity—as both a personal conviction and a political tool.

Moi was a devout member of the Africa Inland Church (AIC).

He donated to church projects, appeared regularly at church events, and appointed Christians, especially from evangelical churches, to key government positions.

Conversely, churches that questioned Moi’s regime—particularly sections of the Catholic Church and the Anglican Church—faced harassment and surveillance.

The church became a safe space for the Opposition. Notably, figures such as Bishop Henry Okullu (Anglican), Bishop Ndingi Mwana a'Nzeki (Catholic), and Rev. Timothy Njoya (Presbyterian) used the pulpit to speak against government repression and push for constitutional reform.

President Mwai Kibaki maintained a unique relationship with the church—marked by mutual respect and restrained engagement.

Kibaki's approach was more reserved and technocratic. He rarely used religion for political theatre, yet he remained a practicing Catholic and a supporter of faith-based development.

President Uhuru Kenyatta, who served as Kenya’s fourth president, maintained a dynamic and multifaceted relationship with the church. 

As a Catholic and the son of the founding president, Uhuru’s interactions with religious institutions were shaped by tradition, political necessity, and the evolving place of religion in Kenyan society.

Uhuru is a baptised Roman Catholic, and his faith was often visible in state functions.

He attended Masses during national holidays, weddings, and state funerals, and frequently referred to God in his public speeches.