EXPLAINER: Role of Civil Society in Kenya vs Tanzania

Tanzania denied entry to Kenya’s top activists, including former Justice Minister Martha Karua and retired Chief Justice Willy Mutunga, and deported them, among others.

Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan lawyer Agather Atuhaire went to Dar es Salaam to attend Lissu’s first court appearance on Monday in a case that has highlighted what government critics say is a growing crackdown on opponents of President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

Haki Africa Executive Director Hussein Khalid and activist Haniffa Adam were held at the Julius Nyerere International Airport for 12 hours before being deported to Nairobi.

President Suluhu alleged a push by the foreign activists to interfere with Tanzania’s internal affairs.

Following President Suluhu’s remarks, various leaders have lauded Kenya’s democratic space as robust, affirming that, unlike Kenya, where there is absolute freedom of speech, Tanzania’s is firmly controlled.

In the East African region, civil society, comprised of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), religious groups, and other civic institutions, plays a crucial role in the development and strengthening of democracy.

For decades, civil society organisations in Kenya have been the backbone of the nation, tirelessly safeguarding democratic values and principles and amplifying the voices of vulnerable communities.

They have also been promoting transparency and accountability and ensuring the rights of all Kenyans are upheld.

Their contributions have been instrumental in the nation's growth and stability, and their efforts have consistently upheld the principles of justice and democracy.

Today, Kenya has a vibrant civil society ecosystem compared to many other African nations, especially in East and Central Africa.

It acts as a watchdog, monitoring government actions, advocating for policy changes, and ensuring accountability.

Civil society organisations (CSOs) also contribute to social cohesion, enhance social capital, and protect communities from state failure. 

However, across the region and over time, the role of activists is evolving to encompass a broader range of issues beyond traditional political activism, including social, economic, and environmental concerns.

On May 20, 

In a statement, Tanganyika Law Society President B.A.K. Mwabukusi underscored the importance of respecting human rights, constitutionalism, and the rule of law.

“As advocates for human rights, constitutionalism, and the rule of law in the East African region, we are duty-bound to continue engaging our respective national and regional authorities to ensure adherence to the Constitutions, municipal laws, and binding regional and international legal instruments,” he said.

The evolution of activism in the digital space

In the 21st century, activists across the region are increasingly leveraging online platforms and collaborating across national boundaries to amplify their voices and impact regional integration.

Furthermore, they are actively engaging with the EAC's agenda to promote people-centred integration and hold institutions accountable.

In June 2025, nationwide demonstrations erupted in Kenya over a controversial tax bill.

The Finance Bill 2024, initially presented to Parliament in May 2025, sparked discontent with an increase in an array of taxes and levies for Kenyans.

The mass protests, initially organised in the capital city, Nairobi,  spread across the country.

Demonstrations took place in almost every city and major town as digital media and activism experts mobilised online, and then onto the streets.

The massive protests that nearly brought the Kenya Kwanza government to its knees exposed the power of digital activism.

The protests saw significant participation from young Kenyans who used digital media to organise and voice their opposition.

A great number of those who drove the protests were Generation Z (often referred to as Gen Z) – individuals born roughly between the late 1990s and early 2010s and characterised by digital prowess and social consciousness.

They created an organic, grassroots movement which used platforms like social media to mobilise and coordinate efforts quickly.

They deployed several old and new strategies.

Among the new has been Artificial Intelligence (AI), which was used to create images, songs, and videos that amplified the movement’s messages and reached a wider audience.

AI was also used to help educate wider audiences on the bill. Developers, for instance, created specialised GPT (Generative Pre-trained Transformer) models designed to answer questions on the finance bill.

Platforms like TikTok and X were being used to share videos of people explaining the finance bill in various Kenyan dialects.

The Civil Society in Tanzania

In Tanzania, the relationship between the Tanzanian government and civil society has historically been characterised by the state’s constant efforts to create political hegemony.

With the process of democratisation, the state has now lost much of its former control over civil society, but some control mechanisms are still in place.

No private television or radio stations are allowed to have national coverage, cultural groups of all kinds need a special permit before giving a performance, and one of the major women's NGOs (BAWATA) was deregistered as late as 1997.

Still, there are improvements in government–civil society relations, and the process of formulating a new NGO policy has been an important part of this.

Tanzania’s Constitution guarantees its citizens the right to freedom of expression and association.

In Tanzania, freedom of expression is a right of every citizen as enshrined in Section 18 (1) of the Constitution.

This inalienable right has, however, been undermined by the continuous passing and enactment of a series of repressive regulations over the years.

Since the country transitioned from a one-party state under the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party to multiparty democracy in 1992, Tanzanians have been able to create and join opposition parties that contest elections, although the CCM has won every national election.

Particularly during the administration of former President John Magufuli (2015–2021), domestic and international observers raised concerns about legislation and government actions that posed threats to Tanzanians’ rights to freedom of expression and freedom of association.

In 2015, at least seven people were charged with spreading misinformation on the social media apps Facebook and WhatsApp under the Tanzania Cybercrimes Act, which had been signed into law earlier that year by Magufuli’s predecessor, Jakaya Kikwete.

The following year, at least five Tanzanians were charged with cybercrimes under the same Act for criticising Magufuli on Facebook and WhatsApp.

Independent media and political opposition likewise became targets of legal action.

Between 2016 and 2020, Tanzania’s information ministry banned the independent newspapers Mseto, Mawio, Mwanahalisi, and Tanzania Daima under the Media Services Act of 2016, alleging that they had spread misinformation in their reporting on government corruption.

Over the same period, Tanzania’s global ranking in Reporters Without Borders’ World Press Freedom Index fell from 71st to 124^th.

In 2016, the government banned politicians from holding political rallies outside their own constituencies, and subsequent years saw opposition party leaders and activists face harassment, arrest, abduction, and assassination (Human Rights Watch, 2019).

Under President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who took office in March 2021, the government in 2022 lifted its bans on the four newspapers (Nyeko, 2022), and in early 2023 announced an end to its ban on politicians holding rallies outside of their constituencies.